AN OPEN LETTER TO THE HAITIAN PEOPLE

AN OPEN LETTER TO THE HAITIAN PEOPLE

AN OPEN LETTER TO THE HAITIAN PEOPLE

We must not merely denounce the system—we must organize to transform it.

To the Haitian people, the diaspora, political parties, civil society organizations, community leaders, and every citizen committed to the country’s future.

Dear compatriots,

Haiti is going through one of the most difficult periods in its history. Insecurity, weak institutions, impunity, poverty, unemployment, social exclusion, and the absence of legitimate authorities continue to threaten the lives of the population and the future of the nation.

At this moment, we must speak clearly, act wisely, and prevent anyone from exploiting the people’s suffering to advance personal political interests.

For years, political manipulation has occurred both in Haiti and within some Haitian communities in the diaspora. Too often, inspiring words about the country, democracy, and change conceal the pursuit of political appointments, economic advantages, the preservation of “zombie checks,” and narrow interests.

I therefore issue this appeal for greater vigilance, transparency, and accountability in every political mobilization undertaken in the name of the Haitian people.

Do Not Give a Failed System Another Excuse

When a demonstration was being considered in Boston to demand the departure of the Transitional Presidential Council, I opposed the initiative. I explained that such a mobilization was unnecessary when the Council’s mandate was already nearing its end.

When a failed government is close to the end of its mandate, removing it prematurely may allow its leaders to portray themselves as victims. They may claim that political pressure or the opposition prevented them from working, meeting their objectives, or completing their mandate.

We have seen this mechanism before in Haiti’s political history. When a leader does not complete a term, the interruption can become an excuse to avoid accountability for failure. Instead of disappearing from the political stage, that leader may return stronger by persuading people that others caused the failure.

A proverb says that when an old rat is exhausted, nearly dead, and crawling before you, you need not kill it and bear the blame.

The same principle can apply to politics. When a system has reached its limit—especially when its mandate is almost over—it may be wiser to demand accountability, document its failures, prevent any unlawful extension, and allow the public to judge its results.

We must not allow any failed structure to use our mobilization as an excuse to rebuild its political strength.

Insecurity Must Not Justify an Endless Transition

Haiti faces a grave reality. Many national political actors, dominant economic sectors, and international partners involved in governing the country have failed to deliver the results the population expected.

Some now argue that elections cannot be held because of insecurity. Yes, insecurity is severe. Yes, elections require security, planning, financing, and institutions the public can trust.

But insecurity may persist for a long time. If we wait for it to disappear completely before preparing elections, Haiti could spend several more years without legitimate institutions or leaders chosen by the people.

We must avoid two extremes: rushed elections without security or guarantees, and the use of insecurity as a pretext to keep the country in an unlimited transition that has already lasted six years.

The solution is to work now to create the conditions required for credible, transparent, and inclusive elections.

We Need a Serious Electoral Strategy

We must bring together capable technicians, professionals, political leaders, legal experts, and diplomats to prepare for and demand elections that respect the law and the people’s rights.

These elections must:

• Be grounded in the Constitution and the country’s laws;

• Follow a clear and realistic timetable;

• Guarantee the safety of candidates, voters, and election personnel;

• Protect the integrity of the vote;

• Allow every party that meets the legal requirements to participate;

• Provide for independent observation;

• Include women, young people, persons with disabilities, and the diaspora;

• Provide lawful mechanisms to verify and challenge the results.

We must not merely call for elections. We must organize to participate with programs, structures, candidates, and the capacity to defend the people’s vote.

Opposition Alone Is Not Enough

Taking to the streets, denouncing corruption, and criticizing poor leadership are citizens’ rights. But opposition alone is not enough to transform a country.

Before confronting a system, we must have:

• Clear proposals;

• A national vision;

• A governing program;

• A sound strategy;

• Competent candidates;

• A workable alternative;

• The capacity to win power lawfully and exercise it responsibly.

We cannot merely demand that people leave office or face justice without building the political and institutional forces capable of replacing the system.

We need at least one senator who understands our vision. We need deputies, mayors, ministers, judges, diplomats, technicians, and other public servants who come from the population, understand its needs, and are prepared to defend its interests.

We need serious representatives across political, economic, and judicial power, as well as in public administration, education, diplomacy, and the country’s social life.

The objective must not be merely to replace those currently in office. It must be to enter the system, transform it, make it accountable, and place it at the service of the people.

The State Must Not Remain Captive to Private Interests

When a group takes control of the State without democratic oversight, it can use institutions to protect itself, preserve its privileges, and block investigations into corruption, violence, money laundering, or other serious crimes in which certain actors may be implicated.

We therefore need an independent judiciary and institutions stronger than the individuals who lead them. Every allegation must be examined on the basis of evidence, the law, and each person’s right to a defense.

Following the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse, the country could have sought a stronger solution through its legal and constitutional provisions. Unfortunately, political interests, institutional confusion, and the interventions of different actors prevented Haiti from achieving the stability it needed.

Politics is the management of power and the country. When people lacking democratic accountability control institutions, removing them or compelling them to account becomes more difficult.

Elections, together with an independent judiciary, therefore remain among the most important tools for restoring the State’s legitimacy.

Education in the Mother Tongue Is a National Liberation Project

Education is not merely a sectoral project; it is a major national undertaking. Most Haitian children are forced to learn in a language they do not sufficiently master to read, write, understand, think, and create. This model contributes to academic failure, social exclusion, and economic inequality.

Every Minister of National Education may present impressive written reports. Yet the fundamental questions remain:

• How many children enter fundamental school and complete it successfully?

• How many students does the system leave behind each year?

• How many generations fail because the language of instruction is not the language they understand best?

• How many young people never gain access to university or vocational training?

• What concrete results does each administration leave for the population?

Haiti needs a system in which education is delivered primarily in Haitian Creole, the mother tongue of the majority. French, English, Spanish, and other languages may be taught as subjects, but they must not become barriers that prevent children from understanding, learning, and developing their abilities.

A country cannot become autonomous if most of its citizens cannot learn, think, create, and participate in public life in a language they understand.

A Call for a New Political Force

We need people capable of thinking about the population’s future, protecting our roots, valuing our heritage, and placing the national interest before personal interests.

We need a new political force based on:

• Competence;

• Integrity;

• Transparency;

• Social justice;

• Accountability;

• Citizen participation;

• Respect for the law;

• Education in the mother tongue;

• National autonomy.

Every political party must be able to present its program and candidates to the public. Through free, transparent, and credible elections, the people must decide who deserves to lead them.

We must organize, mobilize the population, prepare capable candidates, present a serious program, and defend every vote.

In this way, we can enter the system, transform it, and overturn the logic of exploitation, exclusion, and dependency that has held the country captive for far too long.

ITIYAyiti’s Commitment

ITIYAyiti remains open to dialogue with every party, organization, and citizen genuinely committed to restoring constitutional order, organizing credible elections, and building an autonomous Haiti.

ITIYAyiti will join a political coalition or platform if it receives guarantees concerning:

• The structure’s vision and objectives;

• Transparency in decision-making and financing;

• Respect for each party’s independence;

• Equitable representation;

• A clear political program;

• A realistic election plan;

• The participation of women, young people, and the diaspora;

• A firm commitment to education in Haitian Creole.

We are prepared to listen, discuss, and improve our proposals in response to sound arguments. Differences of opinion must not become conflicts; they should help us build better solutions for the country.

Haiti needs more than speeches. It needs organization, strategy, competence, institutions, and results.

We must not merely denounce the system. We must prepare to transform it.

We must not merely demand change. We must build the force capable of achieving it.

We must not merely speak in the people’s name. We must empower the people to choose, oversee, and remove their leaders through democratic institutions.

Let us move forward KÒTAKÒT—side by side—for credible elections, education in the mother tongue, food in abundance, and social justice for an autonomous Haiti.

With respect and patriotic commitment,

Wilsonn Telimo Lwi

President of ITIYAyiti

Former Candidate for Deputy of Les Cayes and Île-à-Vache • Poet • Social Communicator • Jurist • Master of Public Service

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https://www.itiahaiti.org/ht/lèt-tou-louvri-pou-pèp-ayisyen-an